A Few Steps Away yet Worlds Apart: A Closer Look at Changing Streetscapes in Abu Dhabi

Pavements, Public Spaces and Street Life

The importance of good urban design and its role in sustaining street life has been discussed extensively in the literature. From the work of Jane Jacobs⁷ to that of Kevin Lynch⁸ and others, most argue and agree that while design plays a significant role in sustaining street life, it is the context,⁹ the surrounding land uses, and the demographics that play a more prominent role.¹⁰ One of the critical ingredients for vibrant urban spaces is the presence of sufficient pavements and street-level commercial activity, as argued by Jacobs and others. Unfortunately, in most cities around the world, pavements are no longer viewed as public spaces but as merely pedestrian thoroughfares mirroring the thinking behind road design and transport planning.¹¹ Some scholars argue that by strictly viewing pavements as pedestrian thoroughfares, transportation planners have managed to strip them of a lot of their vibrancy, especially in the US context.¹² Since pavements usually fall within the jurisdiction of infrastructure for municipal engineers, a focus on efficiency in the execution and design of pavements supersedes the understanding of their essential role as enablers of urban vibrancy. Pavements are the actual public spaces of the cities: in these spaces, users engage with one another, provided that the conditions and context are conducive.¹³

On the other hand, poorly planned, disjointed, sterile pavements weaken the chances of casual social interaction and could even increase the likelihood of detrimental use of public space – such as criminal activity. As described by Jan Gehl, ‘When outdoor areas are of poor quality, only strictly necessary activities occur.’¹⁴

Pavements in Abu Dhabi, in general, have had little importance until recently. Although they have historically defined most boulevards and streets in the city, a closer look demonstrates how these were mostly planned and executed as an afterthought. The majority of these represent merely road edges or beautifications for passing car drivers. Pavements in Abu Dhabi are typically positioned in a grey area of responsibility for infrastructure agencies and are subject to the authority of these agencies. That is, they are not considered as a separate infrastructure form by themselves. Although this has started to change with the introduction of contemporary street design regulations, and with some upgraded pavements and infrastructure,¹⁵ still pavements remain an afterthought in most cases. They are often poorly executed, even in some of the newly developed or upgraded areas.

The Dominance of Cars and the Shrinking Social Space

Dependence on cars is plaguing urban areas worldwide. Large cities around the world are suffocating under the brunt of millions of vehicles, and their arteries continue to be clogged. In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the situation is not much better: in a country with an extreme climate, car culture has had a strong foothold and long history ever since the county’s independence. The UAE and the GCC cities generally have a very high per capita car ownership rate, due mainly to cheap gas prices and the hot and humid weather.¹⁶ It is common for some families in the region to own up to eight cars (or more). This automobile dominance is visible in the city, with its wide highway-like boulevards, multi-lane streets, higher than usual speed limits, and pedestrian underpasses or overpasses. Even more apparent is the issue of parking, which plagues the public spaces of the city by effectively eroding them.¹⁷ One of the main concerns for the city’s residents is, ‘where do I park my car?’. For the majority, a primary consideration when choosing accommodation in addition to affordability is parking availability. Many residents of Abu Dhabi prefer to live in distant suburbs where they can park multiple cars easily and freely on the sides of the streets, despite the long commute and shortages of services and amenities in these areas.

The dominance of cars in Abu Dhabi is no secret, while pedestrians and cyclists are considered of a much lower status. As a city that boomed in the 1970s, city blocks were designed to optimise traffic flow at the expense of pedestrians-friendly distances. Most residents assume and expect to be driven from point to point in the climate-controlled safety of their cars. Most public spaces in the city have long surrendered to the car culture, and have been transformed into car parks to address the never-ending parking shortage. Car drivers in Abu Dhabi expect to arrive at their destinations with minimal interaction with the outdoor ‘icky’ public space and its ‘inferior’ inhabitants. It is fair to say that the society is divided into two major categories: car owners and everyone else. This issue also has implications related to the mobility of these lower-income residents, as discussed by Qamhaieh and Chakravarty.¹⁸

Flows of Labour and the Social Divide

As cities continue to globalise, so does the workforce.6 In the GCC, the situation is even more noticeable. Historically, with high oil revenues, the need for foreign professional and blue-collar workers has been strong. The presence of such an international workforce is especially visible in countries with a small local population such as the UAE and Qatar.¹⁹ In Abu Dhabi, the majority of the population is an expatriate one. As of 2018, out of the city’s nearly one million residents, roughly 200,000 were nationals, whereas the rest of the population reside in the city for economic reasons.²⁰ As Abu Dhabi is becoming more of an international destination, the nature of this population is becoming more diverse, and more countries are represented. A large number of Western expatriates call Abu Dhabi home, which is something of a departure from the past when most expatriates were from Arab countries or from Southeast Asian countries.

Economically, the expatriate workforce in Abu Dhabi can be divided into two main categories: white-collar professionals with relatively moderate to high paying jobs, and blue-collar workers. The overwhelming majority of blue-collar workers are from nearby Arab countries and Southeast Asia, in which the Indian subcontinent is over-represented, and so is the Philippines. As the global status of the city continues to grow, the need for more labour of all levels also increases, and so does the polarisation of the society. This social polarisation is a common theme in the literature surrounding world cities, and now it is more evident in the limited research about GCC cities.²¹

Informality in GCC Cities

‘Urban informality’ is a term that describes events taking place outside of the formal state-regulated channels and is usually concerned with practices related to the accommodation arrangements, and the social and retail activities of disenfranchised or marginalised low-income populations. Roy²² describes informality in the urban setting in different forms. He indicates that most of these informalities take place in fringe areas, especially where rural and urban lifestyles and influences meet, or in dense old urban areas stricken by poverty and neglect. In all cases, he argues that informality, although treated as a separate unavoidable process by planners and city officials, is, in fact, a failure of the state in general and urban planning in particular. He further argues that it is an issue of social justice and rights to the city.

Although urban informality is widespread and very visible in the mega-cities of Southern Asia, it is also quite pronounced and prevalent in some Middle Eastern countries such as Egypt, Syria, Jordan and Yemen.²³ The exception for this is the cities of the GCC countries, where it is camouflaged and remains limited in scale. Representations of informality are also usually suppressed in these cities through tightly controlled social and legal mechanisms, especially in those experiencing rapid upgrading processes, such as Abu Dhabi and Dubai.

In Dubai, for example, a city known for its spectacular attractions and glitzy shining towers, informality is not very obvious for the passing tourist or the casual observer. Still, it finds its way into some of the older areas of the city, where mostly lower-income families and labourers (often referred to as ‘bachelors’) reside. Yasser Elsheshtawy, a leading scholar on informality and urbanism in the GCC, documents such phenomena, and describes the ingredients and spatial characteristics necessary for them to emerge in this context.²⁴ He argues that the presence and concentration of low-income labourers and ‘supportive settings’ in certain areas cause these little spaces of urban vibrancy to emerge. Some of these supportive functions include eateries that provide ethnic foods, money exchange operations, and even unofficial telecommunication services. He goes further and describes these sites of informality as ‘sites of exclusion,’ where this disenfranchised population is allowed to exist until the areas are upgraded or the buildings demolished (similar to the case study of this paper). Elsheshtawy argues that these areas are cultural assets for the city, and should be treated as such by planners.

Another very well-known older area in Dubai where informal practices seem to thrive, and also a site of great controversy, was the Satwa neighborhood. In his work examining Satwa, Alawadi describes in detail the dynamics that led to its shaping and transformation, and the informal housing, trade, and even criminal, activities that were taking place in the neighbourhood.²⁵ Despite the relative satisfaction of the residents, as argued by the author, the authorities decided to demolish the area. It was deemed unworthy because of its older urban fabric and low-income inhabitants. This ‘urban violence,’ as described by Alawadi, is a result of a top-down approach to planning, which favours business and large developers at the expense of the low-income segments of the society. At one point, it risked displacing 100,000 low-income families, only to be partially halted by the economic slowdown of 2008.

There is less research available about urban informality in Abu Dhabi due mostly to the focus on neighboring Dubai and the more strict form of social control in the former. Elsheshtawy argues that planning in Abu Dhabi has been geared towards eliminating any type of informality ever since the city’s inception²⁶. A well-known example was the old central market – a retail area in the centre of the city that was well known for its hustle and bustle, and chaotic appearance. It was an area deemed unworthy by city officials and was eventually replaced with a high-end residential and retail complex designed by Foster and Partners. Elsheshtawi further documents signs of informal urbanism throughout the city, including the areas for impromptu prayers, neglected spaces between buildings, and spaces unofficially borrowed or reclaimed for games of cricket or soccer. Nowadays, a large portion of older buildings in the city are being demolished, and the low-income residents (especially labourers) are forced into faraway industrial zones located at the urban fringes. Gentrification in Abu Dhabi is a rather ordinary and undisputed matter, considering the drive to globalise and the economic powers behind it.

More recently, the issue of urban informality in both Abu Dhabi and Dubai has become a contested topic, especially after the slowdown of projects and the realisation that top-down planning approaches do not always yield the best result. A drive to define and preserve urban heritage has also contributed to this debate.²⁷

Housing Shortages and the Inevitable Informal Solutions

Housing in Abu Dhabi is a costly commodity. As an island city with limited available land, rental housing prices have been historically very high. Although nationals receive government loans and land subsidies, expatriates pay high rent, because they are excluded from ownership with the exception of some newer high-end areas such as Al-Reem Island. Most middle-class and above expatriates receive some form of housing allowance or compensation from employers as part of government-regulated work contracts.

At the lower end of economic standing, low-income workers have few options when it comes to housing. First, for those working in the construction industry, purpose-built worker villages are placed on the outskirts of the city. These worker cities are heavily regulated and provide a decent housing solution that would otherwise be impossible for those with minimal incomes.²⁸ Although these worker villages have a fair share of amenities, they are often located on the outskirts of the city, far away from its centre. When labour is in demand for construction projects, the workers are transported in special buses to and from their accommodation.

For those workers employed by smaller establishments, there are few housing options. In some cases, companies rent an older apartment or a villa to provide their employees with housing. Although a common approach, it is often designed to serve mostly skilled workers with a somewhat higher than average income. Most other housing needs are handled by the informal market – an issue of great debate and contention in Abu Dhabi and the UAE in general. Older buildings in the city currently have filtered down and represent bed-space housing with little if any regulation. It is a much-needed service in which the informal market dominates, so it is not without problems. It is also subject to multiple crackdown initiatives by the municipal authorities because of the numerous health and safety violations associated with these arrangements.²⁹ Certain older areas within the city are full of such accommodation. In the absence of any other viable solutions, the regulatory bodies are studying adopting these informal market solutions to resolve the housing crises for those with lower-incomes. The study of this paper is an example of such housing arrangements.³⁰

Case Study: Informality on Airport Road

The informal urban space studied in this paper is located on the Old Airport Road, which is a major thoroughfare in Abu Dhabi. The specific space is directly adjacent to a relatively old neglected building, which is in poor condition overall (see Figure 1). The building is popular as a low-cost accommodation, similar to other buildings from around the same period in the city. Most of these period-defining buildings (built in the 1980s) are in a similar condition and go through the same filtering-down process until eventually demolished (with some rare exceptions where the building is preserved). The residents of such buildings are mostly low-income workers who rent bed spaces or share accommodation in different informal arrangements. The demographics of these workers change, usually depending on the area and the building’s overall state. Still, the cheapest and most neglected buildings typically cater to male-only ‘bachelor’ accommodation. The building in question here is home to workers servicing nearby commercial facilities. On average, the cost of bed space in Abu Dhabi is between 500 and 750 AED. It is also a bed-space market that is highly segmented following nationality, religion, and gender (Figure 2). The case study area is not necessarily unique, with multiple examples around the city. Yet, this example stands out due to the rather car-dominated sterile surroundings in contrast to the vibrant public realm adjacent to the building.

The building houses a grocery store, a small restaurant and a bakery on one side, and a juice shop, a small library-supply store, and a second entrance for the grocery store. What makes this area noteworthy is that the space in front of the shops is vibrant and filled with young men relaxing and interacting casually while drinking tea or eating bread from the nearby bakery. In fact, around lunchtime and in the evenings, the area is usually full of workers.

Also notable in the space is the vegetation, as the residents and the shop attendants seem to maintain and plant vegetation in front of the building, contributing to the character of the space and providing shade for the social activities that take place there (Figure 3 and Figure 4). This contrasts with other surrounding ‘upgraded’ streetscapes, which have no traces of vegetation or customisation by the residents. Oddly enough, the municipality has, and on multiple occasions, cut down the trees without notice in an apparent crackdown, only for them to be replaced or replanted by the users of the space.

Finally, the transportation options for the residents of such a building are limited. The areas surrounding the building are packed with parked cars – a testament to the dominance of cars in the city’s public space – but the building’s residents and the space’s users are not car owners, as it would be too expensive for them. Most of them walk, ride bicycles, or use delivery motorbikes provided by the employing company. Some would travel by taxi or public transport when needed. Figure 5 shows the parked motorcycles and some bicycles adjacent to the building in question.

Conclusion: Worlds Apart and Lessons for Planning

Abu Dhabi is a well-developed city with a high quality of life for most of its residents. It is unquestionably a city moving up in world city rankings, and its international appeal continues to grow with an emphasis on high-end living. Still, planners and city officials need to think outside the box and accommodate all segments of society. The urban space discussed in this paper provided an outlet and relief for an otherwise burdened population. It offered an energy absent from some of the formal planning efforts. It resulted from an informal housing solution to a complex housing problem. Finally, it represented a lifestyle without cars – a lifestyle where people walk, ride bicycles, and socialise in public spaces. By examining this case study as a representative of other similar informal urban spaces, this paper argues that there are lessons to be learned from these forgotten enclaves, including how to develop a functioning urban space, and how to generate street life. Planners in Abu Dhabi do not need to look far for best practices in urban design as solutions are present within the streets of the city – although they might have to look a bit harder!

More importantly, this paper hopes to advance the notion that world-class cities need not always be shiny, spotless, and monotonous. Some imperfections are normal and help add to the character and charm. True world-class cities are those that have more than shiny towers and signature developments. They are cities that have a bottom-up approach to planning. They cater to the needs of all their residents and help foster just, inclusive societies. Sustainable and resilient planning should include all segments of society, and ultimately attempt to advance the quality of life for all.